Netanyahu Wants a ‘Broad National Government.’ His ultra-Orthodox Deal Just Made It the Main Election Fight
Netanyahu’s deal with ultra-Orthodox parties saved his coalition, but it has turned the draft crisis into the first major fight of Israel’s election campaign
By Gabriel Colodro/The Media Line
A press conference intended to showcase a major security and diplomatic achievement on Lebanon quickly became the opening scene of Israel’s next election campaign.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stood before cameras and argued that Israel had secured an unprecedented understanding with Lebanon, mediated by Washington, that would allow Israel to maintain a security zone as long as Hezbollah remained armed and threatening. But when the questions turned from Lebanon to the ultra-Orthodox draft crisis, Netanyahu moved from military maps to political architecture. After the elections, he said, he intends to form a “broad national government.”
The timing was not accidental. Netanyahu’s government had just weathered another coalition crisis after reaching understandings with the ultra-Orthodox parties over draft enforcement and the arrest of yeshiva students who have ignored military call-up orders. The arrangement may have bought the coalition time, but it also made military service—and the parties that oppose it—a central test for any future government Netanyahu now says he aims to build.
“I am not boycotting anyone,” Netanyahu said, presenting his proposed post-election coalition as open to any party that accepts several basic principles. He listed those principles as: Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, respect for individual rights, a free economy, technological and defense independence, and broad understandings on the draft and judicial issues. Later, he added another principle: “There is no room for two states. From the sea to the Jordan, there is no room for two states,” explicitly ruling out Palestinian statehood as a principle of the government he seeks to form.
That formulation sharpened the central political question of the campaign: How can a prime minister who promises a broad, Zionist government continue to rely today on ultra‑Orthodox parties that are historically non‑Zionist and that prioritize exemptions from military service for Torah students?
Netanyahu’s allies describe it as necessity rather than contradiction. Likud lawmaker Moshe Saada told The Media Line that a broad government is the right response to a fractured society. “You cannot heal the rifts with a narrow government,” Saada said. “It will deepen the divide. We have to do everything to create connections among us.”
Saada defended the government’s move to freeze arrests of yeshiva students, arguing that criminal enforcement breeds hostility rather than enlistment. “Every arrest of one haredi prevents the enlistment of another haredi,” he said. “It creates hatred and gives nothing.” He added that the state cannot practically arrest tens of thousands, calling a focus on arrests “cheap populism.”
His alternative is a “no service, no benefits” model, relying less on arrests and more on economic incentives and sanctions. “Only the economy moves people to action. Force and coercion, in the end, produce nothing,” he said. Saada compared the approach to past allowance cuts that helped boost ultra‑Orthodox women’s workforce participation without police enforcement.
That argument mirrors the government’s formal justification for the proposed freeze. Cabinet Secretary Yossi Fuchs wrote to Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee chairman Boaz Bismuth that arrests were undermining haredi enlistment efforts, deepening a rupture with the ultra‑Orthodox public and risking, he warned, severe internal friction that could escalate toward “civil war.”
Defense Minister Israel Katz also backed moving the issue to the committee and supported a temporary framework that would halt arrests of yeshiva students under defined conditions.
The opposition frames it differently. Yesh Atid’s Moshe Tur‑Paz, a reservist in the post‑Oct. 7 conflict, told The Media Line that Netanyahu is not solving the draft issue but trying to lock in ultra‑Orthodox support ahead of the elections. “I think what Netanyahu is trying to achieve is to connect haredim stronger toward him, so he makes sure that they don’t leave him after the elections,” Tur-Paz said. “We’re seeing a terrified Netanyahu doing everything to keep the haredi parties on his side.”
Tur-Paz called the partnership “disgraceful,” especially while Israeli soldiers continue to be killed in Lebanon and the country remains under pressure on several fronts. “The price of … defending Israel’s borders these days is going up by the day,” he said. “Threats haven’t gone down, not in Lebanon, not in Syria, not in Gaza. And Iran is still a big enemy of Israel.” He argued that the government should widen the pool of those who serve, not ease pressure on those who do not.
He acknowledged that more haredim are serving today than in the past but said that progress did not come from the ultra-Orthodox parties or from Netanyahu’s government. “The army has done a bigger effort to bring in haredim, but nothing has been done or led by the political part of the coalition,” he asserted.
The dispute is politically risky for Netanyahu because it divides his electorate: a recent Channel 12 poll reported 62% opposed the Netanyahu‑ultra‑Orthodox deal and 23% supported it. The same poll showed Likud rising to 23 seats, Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar party steady at 21, and Naftali Bennett’s alliance slipping to 18. The coalition bloc reached 52 seats, while the opposition, including Arab parties, reached 68.
The numbers show the complexity of Netanyahu’s position. The poll still gave Likud first place, with 23 seats, and Netanyahu remained competitive in the personal matchups. But the warning sign for him was elsewhere. Eisenkot led him again on suitability for prime minister, 38% to 36%, and the broader bloc picture left the current coalition short of a majority—explaining why Netanyahu is already speaking about partners beyond his present camp and why “broad national government” reads less like a slogan and more like a preview of post-election negotiations.
The shift implies an unstated admission. For years Netanyahu’s formula relied on a hard‑right coalition with ultra‑Orthodox and far‑right partners, but his repeated references to a post‑election broad government suggest he is preparing the ground for a different arrangement. That does not mean he is abandoning current partners, but it suggests the existing formula may be insufficient to secure the stable majority he seeks.
Tur-Paz did not rule out Likud as a future partner in a broad Zionist coalition, but only without Netanyahu. Saada, by contrast, did not seriously entertain the reverse scenario, in which Likud would join a government led by Eisenkot, Bennett or another center-right figure. For him, the likely outcome remains a Netanyahu-led government joined by at least one centrist party after the election.
The asymmetry is important. The opposition is trying to separate the Likud from Netanyahu. The Likud, at least as Saada describes it, is trying to separate centrist voters and parties from the opposition while keeping Netanyahu at the head of the table. In both cases, the same question is being tested: whether Israel’s next government can be broader than the current one without first removing the man who built it.
National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir warned that talk of a broad unity government was “very troubling” and argued that Netanyahu must form a fully right-wing government. In a cabinet meeting, after Netanyahu repeated that he would seek a broad national government based on Israel as the Jewish nation-state, defense independence and rejection of a Palestinian state, Ben-Gvir pressed him not to boycott parts of the right-wing bloc. Netanyahu replied that there would be no boycotts.
Saada took the same line. “Every Zionist party that fights alongside me, … I have no problem with,” he said. He rejected the idea of excluding parties on the right because of political discomfort, saying that anyone who is fit to serve alongside others in combat should not be treated as illegitimate in government. “I do not boycott any Zionist party,” he said. “Period.”
That distinction becomes more complicated when the current coalition is taken into account. Saada said he would not work with parties that reject Zionism or the state itself, but he treated the ultra-Orthodox parties differently. Asked how non-Zionist haredi factions fit alongside a party such as Likud, he said the gap between rabbinic leadership and the broader haredi public is wider than it may appear from the outside.
The haredi public, Saada argued, is already moving closer to the rest of Israeli society, even if that process is slow and uneven. The rabbis, he said, may be less connected to the Israeli experience, but the public is moving through its own process. “The haredi mainstream is also part of the melting pot,” he said. “It is Jewish and national. It is more liberal than its rabbis.”
For Tur-Paz, that is precisely the contradiction. Netanyahu, he said, is strengthening his ties with United Torah Judaism and Shas while presenting himself as the leader of a future Zionist coalition. “People find it hard to believe when they see an Israeli strong leader doing something and yet saying exactly the opposite,” Tur-Paz said. “He is adding more and more laws that are meant to strengthen the ties with them, stop the few haredim that are going to the army, do whatever he can to help them get money from the government, and yet he says, ‘I want a broad Zionist government.’”
Tur-Paz said Yesh Atid does not rule out, in principle, a future coalition with Likud, but not under Netanyahu. “I do hope there is a future for Likud as a Zionist right-wing party without Netanyahu,” he said. “But that has to be proven.” For now, he argued, Likud remains shaped by the prime minister’s personal leadership and by lawmakers unwilling to break from him. “You really ask yourself, is there a place for different leadership in the Likud? At the moment the answer is no,” he said.
Netanyahu’s broad-government message has also met public rejection from opposition leaders outside Yesh Atid. Eisenkot dismissed the idea of joining a government under him, arguing that a leader who avoided responsibility after Oct. 7 cannot lecture others about unity. Yair Golan called on the liberal and democratic bloc to declare that it will not sit with Netanyahu. Benny Gantz, who twice entered unity arrangements with Netanyahu, has also expressed disbelief that the offer is genuine.
The prime minister’s supporters answer that Israel’s security reality requires a larger governing structure, not a narrower one. Saada said the Lebanon understanding itself proves that Israel has entered a period in which military gains must be translated into diplomatic and internal political gains. He described the Lebanese position as “dramatic,” saying it gives Israel international legitimacy to remain in Lebanon until Hezbollah is disarmed. He framed a broad government as part of the same strategic moment. “To heal the rifts, you need a real broad government,” he said.
The language of “civil war” now shadows that debate. Netanyahu invoked Menachem Begin’s warning against internal conflict, urging unity while enemies loom. Fuchs used similarly stark language in his letter on draft enforcement. Tur-Paz said such language is dangerous and should not be normalized. “We could argue, we can debate, we can be very anxious about things, but we can’t afford fighting each other because that means the end of Israel,” he said.
That is where the draft crisis and the election campaign now meet. Netanyahu’s agreement with the ultra-Orthodox parties may help him preserve his current coalition long enough to reach the next political stage. But it has also given his rivals a clear argument: that the same leader who speaks of national unity and a Zionist majority is still bound to partners whose political demands run against the principle of equal service.
For Netanyahu, the answer is that a future broad government could produce the consensus that the current system cannot. For the opposition, the haredi agreement is proof that no such consensus can be built under him. Between those two claims lies the opening battle of Israel’s election campaign: not only who will win the most seats, but what kind of government can claim to represent a country exhausted by war, divided over service, and uncertain whether “unity” is a governing plan or just another campaign promise.
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