SUMMERVILLE, S.C. (AP) — Gavin Newsom’s secret is no secret here in South Carolina.

They were selling “Gavin 2028” buttons outside his events this past week as he trekked across the state that will hold Democrats’ first presidential primary. His allies, the state party chair, college presidents and pro-Newsom activists all openly hinted at his national aspirations. And people close to him privately referred to a White House campaign as “the next thing.”

Still, California’s Democratic governor has barely begun to address what may be his biggest political liability as he stakes a claim as an early front-runner in the Democratic Party’s 2028 shadow primary. That liability, South Carolina voters acknowledged this past week, is something he cannot change — his home state, California, is a symbol of modern-day liberalism that people across the political spectrum love to hate.

Vera DeVito, a 78-year-old Democrat who packed into one of Newsom’s eight public events across South Carolina, said she didn’t know much about him or his policies — except that he’s from the Golden State. On that basis alone, she suggested that supporting Newsom could be “risky.”

“It’s going to be hard for him to appeal to the whole country,” she said in the town of Summerville. “Everybody thinks California is different — especially in the South. They’re not crazy about California.”

Newsom’s home state stands in stark contrast with likely primary competitors who hail from battlegrounds like Michigan’s Pete Buttigieg and Pennsylvania’s Gov. Josh Shapiro. Should they run, which is likely, all could make credible claims that they are in a better position to win over the moderate and independent voters ultimately needed to win the presidency.

Newsom’s team acknowledges that “California derangement syndrome” is real. In the almost half-century since former California Gov. Ronald Reagan first won the presidency, the state has produced a long list of failed White House contenders, including Gov. Pete Wilson, Gov. Jerry Brown, businessman Tom Steyer, and most recently Vice President Kamala Harris.

Despite such daunting history, Newsom is not hiding his interest in the presidency. In an interview, he left open the possibility of announcing his decision before the end of the year.

“It’s the right question. Honestly, I don’t know,” Newsom told The Associated Press. “I think this thing’s happening. I mean, you already feel it, right? There are folks out here — they’re saying they’re already starting to interview state directors. So this thing is going to happen very, very quickly.”

Newsom’s breakneck pace in South Carolina — which included a handful of private engagements in addition to his public events — mirrored or even exceeded that of a presidential campaign.

His visit was billed as part of his “take it back tour” across states in the Deep South where he argues that President Donald Trump and his Republican allies are rolling back civil rights.

He opened the trip on Wednesday with one day in Alabama and finished on Saturday with two stops in North Carolina. But the overwhelming focus was South Carolina, which will host the Democratic Party’s opening presidential primary contest in little more than a year. It was Newsom’s third trip to South Carolina this midterm season.

The voters who crowded into community halls, courthouses and a university lecture hall talked openly about Newsom’s presidential ambitions, even as Democrats try to keep the focus on November’s midterm elections.

“He has strong potential,” said Kirk Bovill, a 65-year-old semi-retired actor and former Los Angeles resident who now lives in Summerville. “The question is how he’s perceived outside of California. People might think he’s too Hollywood.”

“The one thing he does very well: He doesn’t have a problem standing up to Trump,” Bovill continued. “He’s not intimidated.”

Indeed, Newsom’s message this past week was overwhelmingly focused on attacking Trump and rallying Democrats to stand up against him.

“We cannot do business as usual. We need to fight fire with fire,” Newsom told roughly 150 people gathered inside a Lexington, S.C. community center on Friday. “We’ve got to meet this moment and recognize what we’re up against. We’re up against an invasive species in the name of Donald Trump.”

At every stop, Newsom highlighted the hundreds of millions of dollars Trump and his family have made from crypto currency and other private business dealings since the 2024 election; Trump’s decision to dispatch the National Guard to Los Angeles and other major U.S. cities; the federal immigration agents that have descended upon Los Angeles and other cities under Trump’s direction; and Trump’s push to disrupt the midterm elections, including his recent move to limit mail voting.

“Donald Trump is ruthless. He’s ruthless. He’s going to try to steal this election,” Newsom charged. “He is not screwing around. Neither can we.”

The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

Republican activists protesting outside of some of Newsom’s stops focused largely on his connection to California.

CJ Westfall, the Republican chairman of Dorchester County, described Newsom as “a far-left extreme Democrat who’s probably the front-runner of this (presidential) race right now.” He was surrounded by protesters who waved signs that read things like, “Wrong Coast” and “Clean Up Your State First.”

“We don’t want Gavin Newsom to California our South Carolina,” Westfall said.

Newsom’s team acknowledges widespread dislike for California, even among some Democrats, but argues that the California governor is gifted and experienced at fighting back against such criticism on the national stage. Newsom is a regular on Fox News, he faced Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in a debate and he was the most prominent national surrogate for former President Joe Biden’s campaign.

Newsom acknowledged that California is both a political liability and “the greatest opportunity” because the California story has only been told on the national stage by “people that have ‘California Derangement Syndrome.'” He said it would play far differently if he’s able to reframe the conversation in 2028.

“In a Democratic primary, in particular — we’ve got the receipts, things that the party is arguing for, we’ve delivered across a spectrum of issues,” he told AP.

Indeed, some of the achievements that Republican critics attack him for are the same issues that might play well among Democratic base voters.

California under Newsom’s leadership has enacted progressive priorities such as expanded healthcare coverage regardless of immigration status, expanded paid sick leave, universal free school meals, a $20 minimum wage for fast food workers, protections for women from other states seeking abortions, aggressive climate change and gun control laws and a death penalty moratorium.

California also remains the nation’s most populous state and the world’s fourth-largest economy, even as critics decry the state’s high taxes that have pushed some businesses and residents alike into other states. The population has been growing since a COVID-era dip, however.

While South Carolina voters may have had mixed views on California, several said they were drawn in by Newsom’s celebrity image. The 58-year-old Democrat certainly looked the part of a made-for-TV president as he charmed voters in his plain white dress shirt with his sleeves rolled up and no tie.

“We don’t get that many famous people here in Aiken. He’s pretty famous,” said 73-year-old Monty Fetterolf, who attended one of Newsom’s Friday events in Aiken, S.C.

DeVito, the 78-year-old Democrat from Summerville, said Newsom still has work to do.

“He’s a little slick — not a lot of meat,” she said after listening to his speech in Dorchester. “But he’s good looking, which helps.”

CAIRO — (AP) The United States has struck three Iranian oil tankers after Iranian forces targeted American Navy warships with ballistic missiles, according to U.S. military officials.

The Trump administration says the strikes were a direct response to attacks on U.S. forces patrolling near the Strait of Hormuz — a crucial passageway for global oil and natural-gas shipments.

The military says an American aircraft carrier and a U.S. destroyer successfully evaded multiple Iranian missile attacks. No American service members were injured.

In response, U.S. forces hit what officials described as tankers linked to Iran’s shadow oil network — a system Washington says helps fund Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the armed proxy groups it supports throughout the Middle East.

Two of the ships were permanently disabled, according to the U.S. military. A third tanker, which officials said was carrying no cargo, was destroyed after its crew was directed to abandon ship.

One strike took place off Iran’s Kharg Island, home to a major oil-export terminal. Another occurred near Jask, east of the Strait of Hormuz. A third tanker was hit in the Gulf of Oman.

The commander of U.S. Central Command, Admiral Brad Cooper, delivered a clear warning to Tehran.

“We will not hesitate to defend American forces,” Cooper said, adding that the United States would, if necessary, “destroy Iran’s limited and exposed oil fleet.”

The strikes underscore President Trump’s willingness to back American warnings with force when U.S. troops, sailors and strategic interests are under attack.

Just one day earlier, President Trump had sought to play down the broader conflict. But the administration’s latest response sends a message that restraint should not be mistaken for weakness — particularly when Iran targets American warships with ballistic missiles.

Iranian state media claimed Tehran responded by targeting three oil tankers and three American vessels. Those reports could not be independently confirmed. Iran’s military leadership also threatened more severe action against U.S. ships if Washington continues what Tehran calls interference with Iranian shipping.

Still, military analysts say Iran’s decision to direct ballistic missiles toward a U.S. aircraft carrier marks a significant and dangerous escalation.

Danny Citrinowicz, an Iran specialist at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, said the apparent attack suggests Tehran is increasingly willing to take risks it had previously avoided — including openly threatening some of America’s most important military assets in the region.

The confrontation is part of a wider conflict that began after U.S. and Israeli operations against Iran earlier this year. The Trump administration has pursued a two-track strategy: using military force to protect American personnel and international shipping, while increasing financial pressure on Iran and the institutions that move its money abroad.

Vice President JD Vance said this week there is no realistic prospect for renewed negotiations so long as Iran continues targeting ships.

That position reflects a growing view among Republicans that diplomacy cannot succeed if Tehran uses threats against commercial vessels and American military forces as bargaining tools.

The breakdown in talks also leaves the original concern unresolved: Iran’s nuclear program. The United States and key European allies are now considering further action through the United Nations Security Council over Iran’s alleged failure to meet nuclear nonproliferation obligations.

For the Trump administration, the immediate mission is clear: defend U.S. personnel, preserve freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, and deny Iran the ability to finance aggression through oil revenues.

U.S. officials say American forces remain prepared to respond to further Iranian attacks, while warning Tehran that continued escalation will bring serious consequences.

PHOTO- AP

By Erin Banco

NEW YORK, Sept 5 (Reuters) – President Donald Trump’s MAGA Inc super PAC will spend at least $10 million on the campaign of Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton for his U.S. Senate race against Democratic state Representative James Talarico, according to a Federal Election Commission filing on Saturday.

• The filing indicates that MAGA Inc’s spending will include $5 million to run negative ads against Talarico and $5 million to run positive ads for Paxton, a Republican.

• Saturday’s FEC filing is the first from the Trump super PAC for the fall campaign heading into November’s midterm elections.

• Trump told reporters on Friday that he planned to spend between $400 million and $500 million from MAGA Inc’s $1 billion war chest on behalf of Republicans for the midterms.

• Paxton-Talarico is one of a handful of races widely viewed as crucial for determining control of the Senate, where Republicans currently have a 53-47 edge.

(Reporting by Erin Banco in New York; Editing by Sergio Non and Matthew Lewis)

BRIDGEWATER, N.J. (AP) — The political group associated with President Donald Trump is spending $10 million on television and digital advertisements in the Texas Senate race, according to a Saturday filing with the Federal Election Commission.

This is the first significant spending in a premier general election contest by MAGA, Inc., and reflects how a once-safe Republican seat in Texas may be viable for Democrats with the candidacy of James Talarico, a 37-year-old state representative.

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton is the Republican nominee in the race. Trump’s endorsement helped Paxton to defeat the incumbent, Sen. John Cornyn, in a May primary runoff election.

Public disapproval of Trump over the economy and the Iran war has been a headwind for many Republican candidates. Voters generally go against the party in control of the White House in midterm elections and Democrats are hoping to gain control of the House and Senate — with Texas being a symbolically powerful indication of how the political map might be expanding this year.

The ads seek to highlight taxes as a dominant issue at a time when many voters have expressed concerns about continued inflation. Talarico has favored higher taxes on wealthier households and the two ads seek to portray him as seeking tax hikes more broadly while claiming that Paxton would give tax breaks to first-time homebuyers and families with children.

The key piece of legislation signed into law by Trump last year enhanced and extended many of his expiring tax breaks from his 2017 overhaul. But that measure also increased budget deficits, which has contributed to higher interest rates on the national debt. Trump has also hiked tariffs, which are taxes on imports, to try to raise revenue.

“High Tax Talarico wants to take money out of Texans’ pockets. MAGA Inc. is going to ensure Texas knows about Talarico’s radical policies and elects Ken Paxton to the U.S. Senate,” Alex Pfeiffer, a spokesman for MAGA, Inc., said in a statement Saturday.

Talarico campaign spokesperson JT Ennis pushed back against the ads’ claims that the Democrat seeks broad tax hikes.

“Billionaire-backed dark money groups are lying about James Talarico because they’re scared of the people-powered movement we’re building to fix this broken, corrupt political system,” Ennis said in a statement. “James was proud to vote for the largest property tax cut in Texas history and has consistently voted to cut taxes for working Texans.”

MAGA, Inc., has at least $400 million in campaign funds that GOP candidates have been waiting for the president to deploy.

“I’m going to spend whatever amount of money necessary to try and help us,” Trump told reporters on Friday.

The president stressed that these were his funds to spend as he sees fit.

“This is my money,” Trump said, adding that it was “separate” from funds controlled by the Republican National Committee.

The president also said he could hold some of the funds until the 2028 elections “if that’s what I want.” Trump is constitutionally barred from running for a third presidential term.

Trump backed Paxton despite the Texas politician’s public scandals, but he has acknowledged this past week that Paxton is not the most telegenic candidate.

“It’s so insulting to him, but I might as well say it: You might not like the way he looks, you might not love his look, you might not love his television interviews, but he was the best attorney general in the country, perhaps,” Trump said Wednesday at a White House event on the midterm elections.

Republicans in battleground states have been clamoring for the president to open his wallet and spend some of the enormous war chest he has amassed.

James Blair, who runs the president’s midterm political operation, had tried to tamp down growing concern and impatience earlier this week.

“When it’s all said and done, all Republicans, at least, will be quite pleased and relieved at the support they find,” he said at an Ohio energy summit.

___

AP national political reporter Jill Colvin contributed to this report.

Sept 5 (Reuters) – A federal appeals court panel rejected the Trump administration’s bid to lift a ban on using a federal immigration database to check the accuracy of citizenship records on states’ ‌voter rolls.

In a 2-1 ruling on Friday, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia declined to lift a lower court’s ban on using the Homeland Security Department’s Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements database. The earlier ruling determined that the government cannot use the system ahead of the November 3 midterm elections, in which Trump’s Republicans will be defending narrow majorities in both chambers of Congress.

Chief Judge Sri Srinivasan and U.S. Circuit Judge Robert Wilkins, both appointed to the appeals court by President Barack Obama, upheld the lower court decision that the SAVE system violates the Social Security Act as it shares millions of Americans’ private information. The appeals court judges also noted concerns around the potential for inaccurate citizen information that could lead to people having to prove citizenship to remain registered voters, and in some cases could even lead to voter registration being canceled. 

U.S. Circuit Judge Gregory Katsas, an appointee of President Donald Trump, dissented. 

A federal judge in Florida in July ordered the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to resume giving four Republican-led states access to the database after another judge blocked it from continuing to use the database nationwide. 

(Reporting by Georgina McCartney in Houston; Editing by Sergio Non and Andrea Ricci)

HANFORD, Calif. (AP) — For years, Rep. David Valadao benefited from voting patterns that shifted toward Republicans in his rural, heavily Latino district in Central California, deep in the state’s farm belt where highways crisscross boundless stretches of almond groves, cornfields and dairy feed lots.

This time, that could change.

Across the country, there are signs that Latinos have grown disenchanted with President Donald Trump, especially as the price of gas, fertilizer and groceries keep climbing while funding for healthcare services is declining.

It’s Republican lawmakers like Valadao that could pay the price. He’s no Trump acolyte — if reelected, Valado will be the last member of his caucus who voted for Trump’s impeachment after the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol — but his fortunes are inevitably tied to the leader of his party.

Two out of three voters in Valadao’s district are Hispanic, and AP-NORC polling shows that Trump’s national approval rating among Hispanic adults fell by 18 percentage points between March 2025 and July 2026. By comparison, approval among U.S. adults overall dropped 9 points.

Valadao said he isn’t panicking.

“I’ve won in these types of races. I can win again,” he said in an interview with The Associated Press. “I think we should be fine.”

Valadao is trying to maintain a strategic distance from Trump to defy political gravity. His campaign literature says he will “put people before political parties.” At the same time, volunteers at a phone bank in his hometown of Hanford asked wavering voters if it was important to complete Trump’s agenda in Washington, a pitch clearly aimed at partisans.

Few Republicans have frustrated Democrats in election after election like Valadao, a dairyman whose family emigrated from Portugal’s Azores Islands. He’s routinely overcome steep voter registration deficits by honing an independent streak and focusing on local issues like water for farmers. Valadao won a congressional seat in 2012, lost it in 2018, then won it back in 2020.

Last year’s redistricting made his swing district even more blue, and national organizations are pouring in money, making it one of the five most expensive races in the country in terms of advertising. Republicans have spent or booked more than $13 million of airtime and digital messaging through Election Day, while Democrats are slightly behind at $12.6 million, according to data compiled by AdImpact.

To win, Valadao is trying to portray his Democratic challenger — Randy Villegas, a progressive endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders — as too extreme to represent California’s 22nd Congressional District. He said many of his constituents are immigrants that fled countries with socialist-leaning governments “and you are seeing him run on these same kind of policies.”

At a town hall in Bakersfield, where U.S. and Mexico flags adorned the walls, hands shot up in the audience when Villegas asked how many people used Medicaid or crossed the border to get less expensive medical care and drugs.

“This should not be happening in the richest country in the history of the world,” said Villegas, who is campaigning on Medicare for All, a universal healthcare concept popularized by Sanders. “Nobody should have to choose between groceries and seeing a doctor.”

In a year when control of the House could come down to a single district, Valadao can’t afford to lose voters like Scott Alcoser.

A parts manager at a farm equipment retailer in Hanford, where children ride a 1930s-era carousel under towering palms and trendy coffee shops dot downtown streets, Alcoser is a Republican who has backed the Valadao in previous elections.

But this year he’s undecided. Alcoser said he wants to hear more from Valadao about how he will “care for the community” at a time when working-class families are struggling. According to census data, nearly one in four people in the district live below the poverty line.

“He can understand the times people are going through right now,” Alcoser said. “Any politician should just be really honest with you.”

Valadao has already lost Elena Van Overbeek.

Although the Republican law enforcement retiree has voted for him before, she’s disappointed that prices haven’t come down and she’s worried that health care cuts supported by Valadao “would hurt too many people.”

She plans to cross the aisle to back Villegas.

Valadao still remains popular with some longtime voters in his hometown. Seated in a downtown salon getting her hair styled, retired nurse Margie Lopez called him “a decent man.”

“I don’t trust Democrats,” said Lopez, a Trump supporter.

The salon’s owner, Celestina Rodriguez, is a registered Democrat who describes herself as conservative and plans to vote for Valadao.

“He’s from the area and I know some of his family,” she said.

Villegas prevailed in a caustic primary over state lawmaker Jasmeet Bains, a moderate who was backed by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

The son of Mexican immigrants who grew up on Medicaid, Villegas accuses Valadao of betraying the district by voting last year for Trump’s “big beautiful bill,” which delivered $4.5 trillion in tax breaks but also cuts more than $1 trillion over a decade from federal health care and food assistance, largely by imposing work requirements on those receiving aid and by shifting certain federal costs onto the states.

Valadao’s district has one of the highest Medicaid enrollment rates in the nation, and Democrats in Congress have estimated that as many as 57,000 of his constituents could lose coverage once new requirements go into effect. Valadao calls such projections “overstated.”

Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna, an outspoken progressive who is considering a 2028 presidential run, said a Villegas victory in a swing district would be a potent national statement that could ripple across the country.

“Everyone understands that the Latino vote is the swing vote,” Khanna said before a rally for the candidate in Bakersfield. “We win the swing vote of the Latino vote, we win Arizona, we win Nevada, we win Georgia.”

Mike Madrid, a Republican strategist who is an expert on Latino voting trends, said the political climate might be impossible for Valadao to survive.

“That district has pretty much everything you could imagine working against the Republican,” Madrid said. “The fundamentals of the race point toward an anti-incumbent mood based off of souring economics.”

On paper, Valadao’s district should be a Democratic cakewalk — there is a 16-point registration edge for the party after voters in 2025 approved Gov. Gavin Newsom’s blueprint for redrawing the state’s congressional map.

But the region is far from the coastal metropolises that have made California synonymous with liberal governance.

The Central Valley is known as America’s salad bowl, for its vast production fruits, vegetables and nuts that stock refrigerators and kitchen tables across America. Virtually all the pistachios grown in the country come from California.

“Analysts often underestimate what the people who live and work in the Central Valley of California are about,” said Republican consultant Cathy Abernathy of Bakersfield, who thinks Valadao will prevail. “They think differently than the metropolitan Southern California and San Francisco Bay Area Democrat voters.”

While many receive government assistance, “most think about keeping the job they have, keeping their family lifestyle going and not rocking the boat just to throw their fist in the air,” she wrote in an email.

Valadao didn’t support Trump in 2016, backed him 2020 and declined to say how he voted in 2024.

He demurred when asked about his impeachment vote in 2021.

“I’ll let history decide on how to interpret anything I’ve done,” he said. “I’ve got nothing more to add to that.”

Jeffrey Cummins, who teaches political science at California State University, Fresno, said Democrats will need to closely tie Valadao to Trump to defeat him in a toss-up race.

If they don’t succeed this year, Cummins said, they “may lose hope of ever knocking off Valadao.”

BERLIN, N.H. (AP) — It’s been 24 years since a campaign commercial opened with a voter declaring “John Sununu represents the future.” His current opponent, Scott Brown, is a grandfather who says that role gives him an edge.

Bucking national trends, the top candidates in New Hampshire’s eight-person Republican primary for U.S. Senate are both former senators whose heydays long predate the Trump era. While voters elsewhere have embraced a decidedly anti-establishment sentiment this campaign season, New Hampshire Republican voters appear content with their choices and are poised to pick a familiar name over a fresh face on Tuesday.

Paul Martino, 57, of North Hampton, said he’s supporting Sununu because he seems smart, honest and civic-minded and called him “a good guy for this moment.”

“We need more people who try to find commonalities we can work off of versus differences we can use to be divisive,” he said.

The Republicans’ back-to-the-future approach will provide a stark contrast in November with Democrats, whose primary includes both younger and progressive candidates.

Sununu and Brown were among 27 former members of Congress who mounted comeback campaigns this year. Only nine have advanced to the general election, including several who have been out of office just for the last two years.

Sununu, who will turn 62 this coming week, served three terms in the U.S. House and one in the Senate before being ousted in 2008 by Democrat Jeanne Shaheen, who is retiring after three terms. He hasn’t been on a ballot in 18 years — long enough for some babies born during his final year in office to reach voting age.

But just as being the son of a former governor most likely eased his entry into politics, Sununu is now benefiting from the popularity of his younger brother, Chris, whose eight years as governor ended last year.

When Sununu announced his campaign in October, Fox News broadcast a story misidentifying him as Chris, displayed multiple photos of his brother and combined their resumes. In June, a debate moderator introduced him as Chris. And late last month, a supporter at the Coos County Republican Committee BBQ snapped a selfie with him and told a reporter “I liked him as our governor.”

“Oh, there’s so many of them!” Sudie Francouer, 82, said after being informed of her mix-up.

Sununu insists he’s focused on emphasizing his own record of accomplishments.

“I’m sure when Chris ran, people thought he was me,” he said in an interview. “His independence and focus on New Hampshire is certainly something he got from me, and that I’ll try to emulate as well.”

Brown, who will turn 67 this coming week, said Sununu is running on little more than his name and said he has encountered similarly confused voters.

“They say, ’Who’s John? The father’s running again?’” he said.

While he lags behind Sununu in polls and fundraising, Brown says he believes voters will break late in his favor.

“He’s not doing anything,” Brown said of his opponent. “I’m going to outwork him.”

In other contested primaries, President Donald Trump’s endorsement often was the most coveted prize, but he’s barely registered in the New Hampshire Senate race.

Trump endorsed Sununu in February, even though Brown was his ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa during his first term and Sununu called the president a “loser” during the 2024 GOP presidential primary.

While the endorsement allowed Sununu to skip kowtowing to Trump to win the primary, University of New Hampshire political science professor Dante Scala said he was surprised Brown didn’t make the race “all about who is the Trumpiest.”

“It makes me wonder, well, maybe that’s just not in him,” he said. “He’s from that earlier era, and it’s hard to learn the new language.”

Brown won a special election in Massachusetts after the death of Sen. Ted Kennedy in 2009, lost his seat three years later and unsuccessfully challenged Shaheen in 2014. He acknowledges that the Problem Solvers Caucus he remembers from his time in Washington has largely been replaced by a polarizing “you’re all in or you’re out” mentality. But he said his time away and lack of big endorsements make him more independent.

“John can’t break with the president. He can’t break with all those special interests,” Brown said. “I’m a freelancer. I have the ability to vote my conscience, because I read the bills. I see how they affect our state, country, debt and deficit and I vote, period.”

Even without Trump’s endorsement, Brown said he is more aligned with the current Republican landscape than his opponent. Sununu declined to discuss how the party has changed — saying “I’m not going to review 20 years of political history” — but like Brown, he cites independence as the cornerstone of his campaign.

“I don’t need to worry about reelection. I don’t need to make anyone in Washington happy,” he said. “I’ll just stand up for New Hampshire.”

Tuesday’s primary comes just eight weeks before the general election, and it’s unclear how the GOP nominee will fare when Trump is facing dismal approval ratings and voters nationally seem hungry for a course correction.

In the Democratic primary, the anti-establishment trend was evident in the rise of democratic socialist Karishma Manzur, a 52-year-old research scientist who holds a doctorate in biochemistry and molecular biology. With the endorsement of former Vice President Kamala Harris and other party leaders, four-term U.S. Rep. Chris Pappas, 46, raised far more money even as she gained on him in polls.

While both cast themselves as fighters against corruption in Washington, Manzur has argued that Pappas has long been beholden to political donors, particularly the pro-Israel lobby.

In the Republican race, voter Ed Gleason, 89, of Pelham, said he wasn’t concerned with party ideology. He said he’s been familiar with Sununu and Brown for many years, but decided to support Brown.

“He’s got the background, he’s got experience, he’s got a proven, demonstrated interest in the people of New Hampshire,” he said. “We’ve got to get some stability in there, and we’ve got to get some people working for the constituents as opposed to the party.”

DES MOINES, Iowa (AP) — Alongside the familiar sounds of roosters crowing and thrill seekers screaming on rides at the Iowa State Fair, there was a chorus of boos from Turning Point Action activists who were heckling Democratic politicians making their way through the crowds.

Videos of the confrontations got hundreds of thousands of views on social media, a burst of attention for a conservative youth organization that is charting its next chapter after last year’s assassination of its leader Charlie Kirk. But the true test of Turning Point Action’s clout was unfolding inside the exhibition center, where staff members were registering voters, handing out buttons and signing people up for social events.

“Building the foundation for 2028,” said one of the flyers.

While Democrats have punted Iowa from the top of its presidential primary calendar, the state’s caucuses will still kick off Republicans’ next nominating process. Turning Point Action is positioning itself to shape that contest, a reminder that preparations for the next White House campaign are already in motion even though no candidates have announced and the midterm elections aren’t over yet.

Turning Point Action wants at least one staffer in each of Iowa’s 99 counties to mobilize the conservative grassroots.

“It is important to us to see high voter participation in the caucuses,” said Tyler Bowyer, the organization’s chief operating officer. “That’s your measuring stick.”

In addition to Iowa, Turning Point Action grew its footprint in New Hampshire and Nevada for this year’s midterms, which could also help in 2028.

The likely beneficiary of this initiative would be Vice President JD Vance, who is widely expected to launch a campaign. Turning Point leaders including Erika Kirk, Charlie’s widow, have been clear they’re ready to throw their support behind Vance if he jumps in.

More than a dozen Republican officials, activists, lawmakers and strategists in Iowa said Turning Point’s imprint in the state was visible but still something of a mystery, and some privately question whether the organization’s impact will match the buzz that it generates online.

But others have eagerly welcomed the organization to the state.

“A year ago, Iowa was virgin — no Turning Point. And many of us complained,” said Kelley Koch, a former Dallas County Republican chair, to a gathering of MAGA Nation Iowa, the grassroots organization she founded. “Finally, Turning Point Action listened to us.”

When asked about his 2028 ambitions, Vance demurs and says he’s focused on his current job, but he’s expected to be an immediate Republican frontrunner if he decides to seek the presidency. Bowyer said Turning Point Action wants to be supportive without “being pushy.”

“We haven’t officially endorsed as an organization yet because no one’s announced, right? But, you know, depending on who announces and when we endorse — yeah, of course we’ll be out campaigning on behalf of who we endorse,” he said.

Bowyer said Vance can bridge the gap between the Make America Great Again movement, which Trump launched more than a decade ago, and younger voters who were attracted to Charlie Kirk’s brand of conservatism.

“It’s a natural fit,” he said.

Bowyer acknowledged that Turning Point Action’s growing infrastructure in early primary states could cause some agitation on the right if it is seen as throwing its weight behind one presidential candidate. But, he said “that’s not why we do it,” describing the goal as boosting turnout in the Iowa caucuses to send a strong signal heading into the general election.

Other potential candidates include Marco Rubio, Trump’s secretary of state. However, Rubio has said he wouldn’t run against Vance.

Sen. Ted Cruz has not announced a campaign, but he has already made several visits to Iowa this year and said in a recent podcast hosted by Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick that, “It’s no secret that I want to be president.”

Although Iowa has shifted rightward over the last decade, it’s considered a political battleground in this year’s midterm elections because of Trump’s sagging approval ratings, declining access to healthcare and tariff-driven turmoil in the agricultural industry.

Sen. Joni Ernst and Gov. Kim Reynolds, both Republicans, are retiring, and there are fiercely contested races to replace them. Democrat Josh Turek and Republican Ashley Hinson are seeking the Senate seat, while Democrat Rob Sand and Republican Zach Lahn want to be governor. Two battleground congressional districts will help determine control of the House as well.

The spotlight on Iowa this year is an opportunity for Turning Point Action to demonstrate its clout.

The organization said it hired four staffers on the ground last year. After Lahn’s surprise win over Trump-endorsed Rep. Randy Feenstra, Turning Point Action said it would double its manpower in the state before the midterms.

Young activists regularly post on social media from county fairs and Republican committee meetings. They upload selfies on sidewalks or stoops to show days spent knocking on doors.

“We’re newer in Iowa,” a Des Moines-based senior field staffer, Kylie Kloewer, told a visitor who stopped by Turning Point Action’s booth at the state fair.

The booth featured signs emphasizing that there are only two genders and one that said “men can’t get pregnant,” the kind of confrontational culture war messaging that Charlie Kirk practiced on college campuses. Some people nodded and chuckled, while others raised their eyebrows as they wandered by.

Those who walked up to the table could sign up for social clubs that host events, including barbecues and volleyball games.

“Any involvement is success,” said Kelsey Newberry, who is based in the organization’s Phoenix headquarters and was helping at the Iowa State Fair. “You’re bringing people together as a community. The more you talk to your neighbors, the better.”

“And even if they’re not ready to get activated now,” Newberry added, “being around like-minded people might encourage them in the future.”

___

Price reported from Washington.

By Andrew Chung

Sept 5 (Reuters) – Missouri asked the U.S. Supreme Court on Friday to allow it to use a Republican-drawn congressional map in November’s midterm elections aimed at helping the party preserve its narrow U.S. House majority.

In an emergency request, Missouri Attorney General Catherine Hanaway’s office asked the court to suspend a state Supreme Court ruling that blocked the map. The decision preserved the Kansas City-based seat of longtime Democratic Representative Emanuel Cleaver, whose district would have been dismantled under the redrawn boundaries.

The decision forces Missouri to use an older electoral map in November’s elections even though the state had already held primary elections in August using the new map, Hanaway’s office said in the filing.

“No court in American history has ever given such an extraordinary remedy, which inflicts unprecedented chaos on Missouri,” the filing said.

Missouri Republicans adopted the map as part of a broader effort backed by President Donald Trump to redraw congressional districts in ways that could benefit Republican candidates – n effort that repeatedly drew the U.S. Supreme Court into disputes over congressional redistricting. 

A major Supreme Court ruling limiting the reach of the landmark Voting Rights Act and subsequent actions by the court permitted several conservative Southern states to eliminate districts with significant Black populations, allowing Republicans to eventually emerge as the winners of an unprecedented mid-decade redistricting war. 

While both Republican- and Democratic-controlled states drew new maps, Republicans improved their chances in 16 districts, including Cleaver’s seat in Missouri, while Democrats secured an edge in six districts. 

Republicans hold a narrow 219-214 majority in the U.S. House, including one independent who caucuses with Republicans.  

The Missouri Supreme Court, which includes five Republican-appointed judges, unanimously ruled on September 3 that the map must be approved by voters in a November referendum before it can take effect. 

Hanaway in a social media post had said that the ruling “violates federal law and has thrust our state into a full-fledged constitutional crisis.”

A group formed to oppose the new map, People Not Politicians, had collected enough signatures to file for a referendum under a provision in the state constitution that authorizes a ballot measure to approve any legislative act. 

Missouri’s Republican Secretary of State Denny Hoskins, the state’s top election official, rejected the petition, finding that state constitutional language does not apply to congressional redistricting. The Missouri court dismissed that argument.

“The referendum petition was legal, sufficient, and timely, and the secretary incorrectly concluded otherwise,” Judge Ginger Gooch wrote for the court. The redrawn map “will not go into effect unless and until approved by voters,” Gooch said.

(Reporting by Andrew Chung and Joseph Ax; Editing by Howard Goller and Toby Chopra)

PROVIDENCE, R.I. (AP) — Four years ago, Rhode Island Gov. Dan McKee was celebrating his narrow victory in the Democratic primary surrounded by supporters, when someone handed him phone — it was his opponent simply calling to concede.

“That’s not going to happen,” he said, waving the phone away. “Hang up on them.”

Now, the woman he dismissed, Helena Foulkes, is challenging him to a rematch. And McKee is desperate to avoid not only becoming the first U.S. governor to lose a primary since 2018 but also the first Rhode Island governor to lose a primary in more than 30 years.

Foulkes, a former executive at CVS Health, has outraised the incumbent and flooded the airwaves with campaign ads.

And unlike four years ago, Democratic voters this election year have increasingly shown a willingness to oust incumbents. McKee, 75, will also have to overcome simmering anger over a bridge repair project that has dragged on longer than expected.

“I think that what I’ve really learned in the last four years, in a deeper way, is how much people feel like state government just works with a powerful few,” Foulkes, 62, said in an interview. “They also hear the leader of the state saying ‘everything’s great’ and they’re saying, ‘I really worry about a good paying job.’”

The winner of the Sept. 9 primary in Democratic-leaning Rhode Island will be the heavy favorite to win the general election.

Beside Foulkes, McKee’s other nemesis in the campaign is a critical bridge in Providence, Rhode Island — New England’s third-largest city.

In 2023, McKee closed the westbound side of Washington Bridge after state officials flagged a “critical failure” and announced repairs would take several months.

The partial closure quickly rippled throughout the region. The bridge carries Interstate 195 over the Seekonk River from Providence to East Providence, as well as the south coast of Massachusetts and Cape Cod. Nearly 100,000 vehicles cross it every day, which now must pass through entirely on the reconfigured eastbound side.

Repairs have since taken much longer than promised as costs have increased from initial estimates, creating plenty of material for Foulkes to criticize McKee’s leadership.

McKee has fought back that he kept people safe and that the bridge construction will be finished by 2028.

He often points to Maryland, saying the Washington Bridge will be complete ahead of the replacement of Baltimore’s Francis Scott Key Bridge, which is set to be done in 2030 after it collapsed and killed six construction workers in 2024 when a massive container ship crashed into it.

But bridge sagas have a way of haunting governors, said Adam Myers, a political scientist at Providence College. Thorny issues like crime, immigration and cost of living often can be difficult to pin down because they involve complicated systems.

“In the case of a bridge, people know that state government is responsible for that,” Myers said. “And so there appears to be a very clear place on which to put all the blame.”

While fending off criticisms over his handling of the bridge, McKee has gone on the attack, accusing Foulkes as an out-of-touch corporate executive trying to buy her way into the election.

Foulkes has robust political family ties. Her grandfather and uncle, Thomas and Chris Dodd, were both Democratic senators in Connecticut. She worked at CVS for 25 years, eventually becoming president of the company’s pharmacy division between 2014 and 2018. She then became chief executive officer of the Canadian retail giant Hudson’s Bay Company before leaving that job in 2020.

McKee has accused Foulkes of helping fuel the opioid crisis during her time at CVS, an allegation Foulkes denies.

“Who’s the option here? It’s a corporate person that the Democrats can’t stand,” McKee said in an interview. “She’s shown evidence that she’s put profits ahead of people over and over and over again.”

When pressed on her time at CVS, Foulkes argues that CVS reduced its opioid dispersal by 40% when she was president of CVS’ Pharmacy division. In 2022, after Foulkes had left CVS, the company agreed to pay $5 billion to settle lawsuits nationwide over the toll of opioids, without admitting wrongdoing.

Foulkes has also warned that McKee’s attacks have angered the thousands of employees who work at Woonsocket, Rhode Island-based CVS, saying that his criticisms of her are often taken to be criticism of the retail giant.

“The 50 largest companies’ business leaders in this state wrote a letter to you, asking you to stop criticizing CVS,” she said during an August debate. “You are going to drive them out of the state.”

McKee touts that he represents the interests of working class voters by pointing to the many labor endorsements he’s received along the campaign trail, though notably Rhode Island’s Democratic Party and the state AFL-CIO chose not to endorse in the race.

Foulkes, meanwhile, points to her growing base of supporters, which include Democrats from McKee’s hometown of Cumberland — where he once served as mayor.

“It’s a great moment to be an outsider,” Foulkes said.